⚡ A Rhetorical Analysis Of An Episode Of War
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Stephen Crane - An Episode of War [AUDIOBOOK]
But this interview, too, is just for show. Forced to submit his questions in writing ahead of time, Miller is informed that the answers will not be translated for him. There will be no follow-up questions. It is spectacle. Theater and little else. As such, it is a fitting introduction to the man who would become the bogeyman of the 21st century. The interview was followed in short order by a more explosive drama. God willing. Around the world, a frightened and confused public received their introduction to the age of terror on the morning of September 11, , through the media.
It was there, in the flickering images of their TV screens, that the masses began to learn about the world of Islamic terrorism and of the cave-dwelling Saudi exile in Afghanistan who was bringing that terror to their doorstep. Is he a politician? Is he a warrior? Is he a preacher? A little of all? It is a name we have heard before as well. In the ahistorical fable of TV sound bites, terrorism is a modern invention—created out of whole cloth by Osama bin Laden and Al Qaeda. And, at the same time, Islamic fundamentalism is a force of nature, something that has always existed in the Middle East—the product, perhaps, of some sandstorm on the Arabian peninsula in the distant past.
But this is a lie. In truth, the rise of Islamic fundamentalism in the modern era and the rise of terrorism as a political tool cannot be understood without confronting some very well-documented but long-repressed history. Ever since the midth century—when the British East India Company gained dominion over the Indian subcontinent—the history of Islam as a political and cultural force has been intimately tied to the fortunes of Empire and the aims of the Western powers. The British Empire, in particular, did much to shape the map of the modern-day Middle East and to influence the course of its religious and political forces.
From Khartoum to Constantinople, Jerusalem to Jakarta, no part of the Muslim world could escape the influence of the British crown. Sometimes that influence was used to strengthen the rule of Islamic hardliners. Sometimes, as with the Mahdist rebellion in Sudan, that influence was used to put down Islamic uprisings. This was evident in India, where George Francis Hamilton, secretary of state for India, wrote in of the British strategy of using Muslim and Hindu divisions in the country to their advantage along the lines of the old Roman imperial strategy of divide and rule:.
I think the real danger to our rule, not now, but say 50 years hence is the gradual adoption and extension of Western ideas of agitation organisation and if we could break educated Indians into two sections holding widely different views, we should, by such a division, strengthen our position against the subtle and continuous attack which the spread of education must make upon our system of government. We should so plan educational text-books that the differences between community and community are further strengthened. Once again, British fingerprints can be found on every aspect of the story. When Britain began contemplating a shift from its centuries-long policy of supporting the Ottoman Empire in the Middle East, it was Captain William Shakespear —a British civil servant and explorer—who made the first official contact with Ibn Saud, the progenitor of the Saudi dynasty who would go on to found the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.
Shakespear died on the battlefield at Jarab in , where the British-backed Ibn Saud was battling his Turkish-backed rival, Ibn Rashid. Although his own self-serving autobiography and the Hollywoodization of his story cemented in the popular imagination the idea that Lawrence was motivated solely by his concern for the Arabs and their independence. The Arabs are even less stable than the Turks. If properly handled they would remain in a state of political mosaic, a tissue of small jealous principalities, incapable of cohesion, and yet always ready to combine against an outside force. The alternative to this seems to be control and colonization by a European power other than ourselves, which would inevitably come into conflict with the interests we already possess in the Near East.
Well, General, I will leave you. Major Lawrence doubtless has reports to make. About my people. And their weakness. And the need to keep them weak. Lawrence and the military and diplomatic personnel of the British Empire were indeed busy in the wake of WWI. In many ways, the aftermath of the war represented the zenith of that empire, and the culmination of centuries of British manipulation in the Middle East.
Driven by a mixture of political necessity and imperial hubris, the imperial planners had entered into secret agreements that redrew the map of the Middle East and once again affirmed the centuries-old accusation that Perfidious Albion was not to be trusted. In , the British and French entered into a pact to divide up the territory of the Ottoman Empire between themselves should they win the war. This treaty—known as the Sykes-Picot Agreement after the diplomats who negotiated the document—was a direct negation of the web of promises that the British had already made on the land, including the territorial promises they had made to Ali Ibn Husain , the Sherif of Mecca who led the Arab Revolt against the Turks, the Treaty of Darin that had promised Ibn Saud British protection for his conquests in the Arabian Peninsula in return for his support in the war, and the Balfour Declaration promising the Zionists a Jewish homeland in Palestine.
Although the revelation of the secret Sykes-Picot Agreement by the Bolsheviks in proved a considerable embarrassment for the British and French, it did little to hinder their plans. The agreement provided a basis for the ultimate partitioning of the Ottoman Empire after the war, and the national borders that it helped to create have gone on to shape a century of strife and political conflict in the region. But it was not enough merely to draw the lines on the maps that would define the post-war Middle East, the British had to shape the development of the region in their own interest, creating entire nations in the process. The British government of India had feared British sponsorship of an Arab caliph who would lead the entire Muslim world, and the effects this might have on Muslims in India, and had therefore favoured Ibn Saud, whose pretensions were limited to Arabia.
That loyalty paid off well. The British played similar games throughout the region, arming, funding and encouraging those who would work with them—including violent Islamic radicals—and undermining any potential challengers to British dominance. In Palestine, the British pardoned Amin al-Husseini—who had been sentenced to 10 years in prison for his involvement in the Jerusalem riots—and appointed him the Grand Mufti of Palestine a title invented by the British on condition that he cooperate with the British authorities.
In Egypt, which became a British protectorate after WWI, the rise of the Muslim Brotherhood—an Islamist mass movement founded by Hassan al-Banna—was at times an explicit threat to the British military presence in the country. Nevertheless, its position as an alternative to both secular nationalism and communism—which Britain regarded as growing threats to its influence in the region—meant that the British were prepared to work with the Brotherhood against their common enemies, even covertly financing the group in Faisal— recommended by T. Lawrence, guided at his own request by British advisors and traveling at British expense —won a British-backed plebiscite to become the Iraqi king in The extent of British influence over the region during the post-war period was, in retrospect, staggering.
But the number of machinations, manipulations and shifting alliances that were required to keep this system of mandates, protectorates and puppet governments going was a sign that the British were not all-powerful. On the contrary. Their influence, and indeed their empire itself, was waning, soon to be replaced by the new rising world superpower, the United States. It brings Ibn Saud, king of the five million people of Saudi Arabia, to a conference with President Roosevelt, stopping off here on his return from the Crimea Conference. The destroyer has been decked out with red carpets for the monarch.
This mile trip marks the first time that King Ibn Saud has ever left his native land. The Saudis insisted on bringing a contingent of 48 men even though the Americans had said they could accommodate only They insisted on bringing their own sheep, as the king believed that good Muslims eat only freshly slaughtered animals. Firstly, it demonstrated the importance of the Saudi-US relationship at a time when much of the world knew little and cared less about the happenings on the Arabian peninsula. And thirdly, it signaled the dawn of a new era. No longer was the British Empire the primary foreign power driving events in the region.
From now on, one of the key foreign policy considerations of the Muslim world was the US and its enormous military and financial resources. This changeover in world order was not instantaneous. For some time after the end of WWII, the US and British collaborated on operations that furthered their mutual interests in the region. In March , the Iranian parliament voted to nationalize the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company—the British oil giant that struck oil near the Persian Gulf in —and offered the premiership of the government to Mohammed Mossadegh , an outspoken secular nationalist. Immediately after taking office, Mossadegh effected the nationalization, stating :.
Our long years of negotiations with foreign countries [. With the oil revenues we could meet our entire budget and combat poverty, disease, and backwardness among our people. Another important consideration is that by the elimination of the power of the British company, we would also eliminate corruption and intrigue, by means of which the internal affairs of our country have been influenced. Once this tutelage has ceased, Iran will have achieved its economic and political independence.
The nationalization put Tehran on a collision course with London. But Britain knew that a military intervention was not possible without American approval and, despite harsh economic sanctions on the country and a boycott of the newly nationalized oil industry that was joined by much of the Western world, they could not overthrow the Iranian government themselves. Instead, they had to turn to the US. Although the Truman administration was initially hesitant to become involved, that changed with the election of Dwight D. They convinced the Shah of Iran to agree to the plan.
In the end, the operation was a success. Mossadegh was driven from power, General Zahedi took his place, the Western-backed Shah ruled the country with the iron fist of his feared secret police for the next 25 years, and a new agreement on sales of Iranian oil was reached. But the eclipse of the old British Empire by the new American superpower became most obvious in Egypt during the Suez Crisis of Lying on the key spice and trade routes linking Europe and Asia, the importance of Egypt to the British Empire went back centuries.
It was the British Navy under Nelson and the British Army under General Ralph Abercromby that drove Napoleon out of the country during the French campaign there at the turn of the 19th century. The Suez Canal—linking the Mediterranean Sea to the Red Sea and drastically reducing sailing distances from Asia to Europe—was technically the property of the Egyptians, but the project had been spearheaded by the French, and the concessionary company that operated the canal had been largely financed by French shareholders.
An economic crisis in , however, forced the Egyptian governor to sell his own shares to the British. After the British conquest of Egypt in , an international agreement was signed declaring the canal a neutral zone under the protection of the British, whose troops were now installed in the country. The Suez Crisis led to a joint British-French-Israeli invasion of the country , but in this case, the US under Eisenhower declined to back the invasion. Instead, Eisenhower—still believing that diplomacy and pressure could turn Nasser from the Soviet orbit and help America leverage its influence over the Arab world—joined the USSR in forcing an end to the invasion. The crisis marked a definitive turning point. The age of the British Empire were over. The age of the American superpower had begun.
From now on, American military and financial power would be the determining factor in the Muslim world—and indeed the world in general. But the Americans had learned well from their British predecessors. The same tactics of strategic and shifting alliances, double dealings and covert operations that the British had used to maintain their influence for centuries would now be employed by the Americans to leverage their own power.
They applied these lessons in Indonesia, where the US at various times supported the Islamic factions in their rebellion against the Sukarno government, the Sukarno government itself, and, eventually, Suharto, who slaughtered over half a million people on his US-backed rise to power. This era of American-led intrigue and double-dealing would culminate in one of the most important years for the Muslim world in the modern era: That was the year of the Iranian revolution, when the American and British overthrow of Mossadegh in would come home to roost in the overthrow of the Western-backed Shah and the first major victory for the forces of political Islam in the creation of the Islamic Republic of Iran. That was the year of the seizure of the Grand Mosque in Mecca , when Islamic hardliners shocked the Muslim world by storming the holiest mosque in Islam and, during a dramatic two-week standoff, calling for the overthrow of the House of Saud and the end of its attempts at westernization.
On Christmas Eve , Soviet troops began an invasion of Afghanistan. Initially, this was portrayed to the American public as a spontaneous act of aggression, the opening salvo in a new campaign by the Russians to conquer the region and upset the world order. If the Soviets are encouraged in this invasion by eventual success, and if they maintain their dominance over Afghanistan and then extend their control to adjacent countries, the stable, strategic, and peaceful balance of the entire world will be changed.
As historians with access to USSR document archives now know , the Soviet leadership was extremely reluctant to become entangled in Afghanistan. Instead, the invasion was the end result of a series of events that threatened to plunge Afghanistan and the surrounding region into chaos. Starting in the wake of WWII, the urban, cosmopolitan political elite of the rural and agrarian nation of Afghanistan began a series of reforms and development projects that, they hoped, would bring their country into the modern era. In turn, these young Afghan elites brought communism back to their country. But the PDPA, frustrated by a perceived lack of progress toward communist goals on the part of this new government, precipitated another coup in This new communist government, led by Nur Muhammad Taraki, presided over a period of dramatic reform: Land reforms sought to limit how much land a family could own; social reforms abolished Shariah law, began education of women, and sought to end forced marriage and other traditional practices; and political dissidents were rounded up and resistant villagers massacred.
Violently opposed both by the Islamic fundamentalists and conservatives in the country as well as opposing factions within his own party, Taraki was overthrown in September of and killed the following month. The official history— written by the CIA , echoed by the US State Department and propounded in Hollywood productions —maintains that the US response to the events in Afghanistan—a response that would go on to include billions of dollars in arms, funds and training for the Islamic resistance to the Soviet forces—began after the Soviet invasion in There were many heroes in this battle, but to Charlie Wilson must go this special recognition.
Census Bureau, American Factfinder. Archived from the original on February 12, Retrieved September 18, Retrieved January 15, Alabama Department of Archives and History. Retrieved January 7, City of Greenville, Alabama. Encyclopedia of Alabama. February 12, Retrieved April 23, Decennial Census". Retrieved June 6, Archived from the original on May 22, Retrieved June 3, Census website". Retrieved July 9, Lurleen B. Wallace Community College. Retrieved January 8, December 10, FCC Media Bureau. August 6, County seat : Greenville.
Alabama portal United States portal. Authority control. United States. Namespaces Article Talk. Views Read Edit View history. Help Learn to edit Community portal Recent changes Upload file. The most effective way to deliver a pathetic appeal, says W. Brandt, is "to lower the level of abstraction of one's discourse. Feeling originates in experience, and the more concrete writing is, the more feeling is implicit in it" The Rhetoric of Argumentation. Pathos is one of the three kinds of artistic proof in Aristotle's rhetorical theory. Etymology: From the Greek, "experience, suffer". Restaurant Manager: I want to apologize, humbly, deeply, and sincerely about the fork.
Man: Oh please, it's only a tiny bit. I couldn't see it. Manager: Ah, you're good kind fine people for saying that, but I can see it. To me it's like a mountain, a vast bowl of pus. Man: It's not as bad as that.
The rise of advertising and of mass media How Did Winston Churchill Change The World After Ww2 as photographytelegraphyradioand film brought rhetoric more prominently into people's A Rhetorical Analysis Of An Episode Of War. Types of communication barriers he or she may only observe the events as a third-person narrator, and gives his A Rhetorical Analysis Of An Episode Of War her summation. Qutb was famous for A Rhetorical Analysis Of An Episode Of War role in inspiring a generation of radical Muslims—including Azzam, Osama and Zawahiri—to A Rhetorical Analysis Of An Episode Of War up violent jihad Symbolism In The Chrysanthemums the West and the forces of modernity in the creation of a new caliphate. But rhetoric A Rhetorical Analysis Of An Episode Of War during this period into the arts of letter writing ars dictaminis and sermon writing ars praedicandi.